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Paul Arraigned before Festus; Paul's Fourth Defence; Paul Appeals to Cæsar. 1 Now when Festus was come into the province, after three days he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. 2 Then the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and besought him, 3 And desired favour against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him. 4 But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea, and that he himself would depart shortly thither. 5 Let them therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with me, and accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him. 6 And when he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cæsarea; and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be brought. 7 And when he was come, the Jews which came down from Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against Paul, which they could not prove. 8 While he answered for himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. 9 But Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before me? 10 Then said Paul, I stand at Cæsar's judgment seat, where I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. 11 For if I be an offender, or have committed any thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cæsar. 12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar shalt thou go. We commonly say, "New lords, new laws, new customs;" but here was a new governor, and yet Paul had the same treatment from him that he had from the former, and no better. Festus, like Felix, is not so just to him as he should have been, for he does not release him; and yet not so unjust to him as the Jews would have had him to be, for he will not condemn him to die, nor expose him to their rage. Here is, I. The pressing application which the high priest and other Jews used with the governor to persuade him to abandon Paul; for to send him to Jerusalem was in effect to abandon him. 1. See how speedy they were in their applications to Festus concerning Paul. As soon as ever he had come into the province, and had taken possession of the government, into which, probably, he was installed at Cæsarea, within three days he went up to Jerusalem, to show himself there, and presently the priests were upon him to proceed against Paul. He staid three days at Cæsarea, where Paul was a prisoner, and we do not find that in that time Paul made any application to him to release him, though, no doubt, he could have made good friends, that he might hope to have prevailed by; but as soon as ever he comes up to Jerusalem the priests are in all haste to make an interest with him against Paul. See how restless a thing malice is. Paul more patiently bears the lengthening out of his imprisonment than his enemies do the delay of his prosecution even to the death. 2. See how spiteful they were in their application. They informed the governor against Paul ( Acts 25:2 ; Acts 25:2 ) before he was brought upon a fair trial, that so they might, if possible, prejudge the cause with the governor, and make him a party who was to be the judge. But this artifice, though base enough, they could not confide in; for the governor would be sure to hear him himself, and then all their informations against him would fall to the ground; and therefore they form another project much more base, and that is to assassinate Paul before he came upon his trial. These inhuman hellish methods, which all the world profess at least to abhor, have these persecutors recourse to, to gratify their malice against the gospel of Christ, and this too under colour of zeal for Moses. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum--Such was their dire religious zeal. 3. See how specious the pretence was. Now that the governor was himself at Jerusalem they desired he would send for Paul thither, and try him there, which would save the prosecutors a great deal of labour, and looked most reasonable, because he was charged with having profaned the temple at Jerusalem, and it is usual for criminals to be tried in the court where the fact was committed; but that which they designed was to way-lay him as he was brought up, and to murder him upon the road, supposing that he would not be brought up under so strong a guard as he was sent down with, or that the officers that were to bring him up might be bribed to give them an opportunity for their wickedness. It is said, They desired favour against Paul. The business of prosecutors is to demand justice against one that they suppose to be a criminal, and, if he be not proved so, it is as much justice to acquit him as it is to condemn him if he be. But to desire favour against a prisoner, and from the judge too, who ought to be of counsel for him, is a very impudent thing. The favour ought to be for the prisoner, in favorem vitæ--to favour his life, but here they desire it against him. They will take it as a favour if the governor will but condemn Paul, though they can prove no crime upon him. II. The governor's resolution that Paul shall take his trial at Cæsarea, where he now is, Acts 25:4 ; Acts 25:5 . See how he manages the prosecutors. 1. He will not do them the kindness to send for him to Jerusalem; no, he gave orders that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea. It does not appear that he had any suspicion, much less any certain information, of their bloody design to murder him by the way, as the chief priests had when he sent him to Cæsarea ( Acts 23:30 ; Acts 23:30 ); but perhaps he was not willing so far to oblige the high priest and his party, or he would maintain the honour of his court at Cæsarea and require their attendance there, or he was not willing to be at the trouble or charge of bringing Paul up; whatever was his reason for refusing it, God made use of it as a means of preserving Paul out of the hands of his enemies. Perhaps now they were more careful to keep their conspiracy secret than they had been before, that the discovery of it might not be now, as it was then, the defeat of it. But though God does not, as then, bring it to light, yet he finds another way, as effectual, to bring it to nought, by inclining the heart of the governor, for some other reasons, not to remove Paul to Jerusalem. God is not tied to one method, in working out salvation for his people. He can suffer the designs against them to be concealed, and yet not suffer them to be accomplished; and can make even the carnal policies of great men to serve his gracious purposes. 2. Yet he will do them the justice to hear what they have to say against Paul, if they will go down to Cæsarea, and appear against him there: " Let those among you who are able, able in body and purse for such a journey, or able in mind and tongue to manage the prosecution-- let those among you who are fit to be managers, go down with me, and accuse this man; or, those who are competent witnesses, who are able to prove any thing criminal upon him, let them go and give in their evidence, if there be any such wickedness in him as you charge upon him." Festus will not take it for granted, as they desire he should, that there is wickedness in him, till it is proved upon him, and he has been heard in his own defence; but, if he be guilty, it lies upon them to prove him so. III. Paul's trial before Festus. Festus staid at Jerusalem about ten days, and then went down to Cæsarea, and the prosecutors, it is likely, in his retinue; for he said they should go down with him; and, since they are so eager in the prosecution, he is willing this cause should be first called; and, that they may hasten home, he will despatch it the next day. Expedition in administering justice is very commendable, provided more haste be not made than good speed. Now here we have, 1. The court set, and the prisoner called to the bar. Festus sat in the judgment-seat, as he used to do when any cause was brought before him that was of consequence, and he commanded Paul to be brought, and to make his appearance, Acts 25:6 ; Acts 25:6 . Christ, to encourage his disciples and keep up their spirits under such awful trials of their courage as this was to Paul, promised them that the day should come when they should sit on thrones, judging the tribes of Israel. 2. The prosecutors exhibiting their charges against the prisoner ( Acts 25:7 ; Acts 25:7 ): The Jews stood round about, which intimates that they were many. Lord, how are they increased that trouble me! It intimates also that they were unanimous, they stood by one another, and resolved to hold together; and that they were intent upon the prosecution, and eager in clamouring against Paul. They stood round about, if possible, to frighten the judge into a compliance with their malicious design, or, at least, to frighten the prisoner, and to put him out of countenance; but in vain: he had too just and strong an assurance to be frightened by them. They compassed me about like bees, but they are quenched as the fire of thorns, Psalms 118:12 . When they stood round about him, they brought many and grievous accusations against Paul, so it should be read. They charged him with high crimes and misdemeanors. The articles of impeachment were many, and contained things of a very heinous nature. They represented him to the court as black and odious as their wit and malice could contrive; but when they had opened the cause as they thought fit, and came to the evidence, there they failed: they could not prove what they alleged against him, for it was all false, and the complaints were groundless and unjust. Either the fact was not as they opened it, or there was no fault in it; they laid to his charge things that he knew not, nor they neither. It is no new thing for the most excellent ones of the earth to have all manner of evil said against them falsely, not only in the song of the drunkards, and upon the seat of the scornful, but even before the judgment-seat. 3. The prisoner's insisting upon his own vindication, Acts 25:8 ; Acts 25:8 . Whoever reproaches him, his own heart does not, and therefore his own tongue shall not; though he die, he will not remove his integrity from him. When it came to his turn to speak for himself, he insisted upon his general plea, Not guilty: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. (1.) He had not violated the law of the Jews, nor taught any doctrine destructive of it. Did he make void the law by faith? No, he established the law. Preaching Christ, the end of the law, was no offence against the law. (2.) He had not profaned the temple, nor put any contempt at all upon the temple-service; his helping to set up the gospel temple did not at all offend against that temple which was a type of it. (3.) He had not offended against Cæsar, nor his government. By this it appears that now his cause being brought before the government, to curry favour with the governor and that they might seem friends to Cæsar, they had charged him with some instances of disaffection to the present higher powers, which obliged him to purge himself as to that matter, and to protest that he was no enemy to Cæsar, not so much as those were who charged him with being so. IV. Paul's appeal to the emperor, and the occasion of it. This gave the cause a new turn. Whether he had before designed it, or whether it was a sudden resolve upon the present provocation, does not appear; but God puts it into his heart to do it, for the bringing about of that which he had said to him, that he must bear witness to Christ at Rome, for there the emperor's court was, Acts 23:11 ; Acts 23:11 . We have here, 1. The proposal which Festus made to Paul to go and take his trial at Jerusalem, Acts 25:9 ; Acts 25:9 . Festus was willing to do the Jews a pleasure, inclined to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner, as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome, and therefore asked him whether he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem, and clear himself there, where he had been accused, and where he might have his witnesses ready to vouch for him and confirm what he said. He would not offer to turn him over to the high priest and the sanhedrim, as the Jews would have had him; but, Wilt thou go thither, and be judged of these things before me? The president, if he had pleased, might have ordered him thither, but he would not do it without his own consent, which, if he could have wheedled him to give it, would have taken off the odium of it. In suffering times, the prudence of the Lord's people is tried as well as their patience; being sent forth therefore as sheep in the midst of wolves, they have need to be wise as serpents. 2. Paul's refusal to consent to it, and his reasons for it. He knew, if he were removed to Jerusalem, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of the president, the Jews would find some means or other to be the death of him; and therefore desires to be excused, and pleads, (1.) That, as a citizen of Rome, it was most proper for him to be tried, not only by the president, but in that which was properly his court, which sat at Cæsarea: I stand at Cæsar's judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged, in the city which is the metropolis of the province. The court being held in Cæsar's name, and by his authority and commission, before one that was delegated by him, it might well be said to be his judgment seat, as, with us, all writs run in the name of the sovereign, in whose name all courts are held. Paul's owning that he ought to be judged at Cæsar's judgment-seat plainly proves that Christ's ministers are not exempted from the jurisdiction of the civil powers, but ought to be subject to them, as far as they can with a good conscience; and, if they be guilty of a real crime, to submit to their censure; if innocent, yet to submit to their enquiry, and to clear themselves before them. (2.) That, as a member of the Jewish nation, he had done nothing to make himself obnoxious to them: To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well knowest. It very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their innocency, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name, not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. (3.) That he was willing to abide by the rules of the law, and to let that take its course, Acts 25:11 ; Acts 25:11 . If he be guilty of any capital crime that deserves death, he will not offer either to make resistance or to make his escape, will neither flee from justice nor fight with it: "I refuse not to die, but will accept of the punishment of my iniquity." Not that all who have committed any thing worthy of death are obliged to accuse themselves, and offer themselves to justice; but, when they are accused and brought to justice, they ought to submit, and to say both God and the government are righteous; as it is necessary that some should be made examples. But, if he be innocent, as he protests he is, " If there be none of these things whereof these accuse me, --if the prosecution be malicious and they are resolved to have my blood right or wrong,-- no man may deliver me unto them, no, not the governor himself, without palpable injustice; for it is his business as much to protect the innocent as to punish the guilty;" and he claims his protection. 3. His appealing to court. Since he is continually in danger of the Jews, and one attempt made after another to get him into their hands, whose tender mercies were cruel, he flies to the dernier resort--the last refuge of oppressed innocency, and takes sanctuary there, since he cannot have justice done him in any other way: " I appeal unto Cæsar. Rather than be delivered to the Jews" (which Festus seems inclined to consent to) "let me be delivered to Nero." When David had divers times narrowly escaped the rage of Saul, and concluded he was such a restless enemy that he should one day perish by his hands, he came to this resolution, being in a manner compelled to it, There is nothing better for me than to take shelter in the land of the Philistines, 1 Samuel 27:1 . So Paul here. But it is a hard case that a son of Abraham must be forced to appeal to a Philistine, to a Nero, from those who call themselves the seed of Abraham, and shall be safer in Gath or Rome than in Jerusalem. How is the faithful city become a harlot! V. The judgment given upon the whole matter. Paul is neither released nor condemned. His enemies hoped the cause would be ended in his death; his friends hoped it would be ended in his deliverance; but it proved neither so nor so, they are both disappointed, the thing is left as it was. It is an instance of the slow steps which Providence sometimes takes, not bringing things to an issue so soon as we expect, by which we are often made ashamed both of our hopes and of our fears, and are kept still waiting on God. The cause had before been adjourned to another time, now to another place, to another court, that Paul's tribulation might work patience. 1. The president takes advice upon the matter: He conferred with the council -- meta tou symbouliou, not with the council of the Jews (that is called synedrion ), but with his own counsellors, who were always ready to assist the governor with their advice. In multitude of counsellors there is safety; and judges should consult both with themselves and others before they pass sentence. 2. He determines to send him to Rome. Some think Paul meant not an appeal to Cæsar's person, but only to his court, the sentence of which he would abide by, rather than be remitted to the Jew's council, and that Festus might have chosen whether he would have sent him to Rome, or, at least, whether he would have joined issue with him upon the appeal. But it should seem, by what Agrippa said ( Acts 26:32 ; Acts 26:32 ), that he might have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to Cæsar --that, by the course of the Roman law, a Roman citizen might appeal at any time to a superior court, even to the supreme, as causes with us are removed by certiorari, and criminals by habeas corpus, and as appeals are often made to the house of peers. Festus, therefore, either of choice or of course, comes to this resolution: Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? Unto Cæsar thou shalt go. He found there was something very extraordinary in the case, which he was therefore afraid of giving judgment upon, either one way or other, and the knowledge of which he thought would be an entertainment to the emperor, and therefore he transmitted it to his cognizance. In our judgment before God those that by justifying themselves appeal to the law, to the law they shall go, and it will condemn them; but those that by repentance and faith appeal to the gospel, to the gospel they shall go, and it will save them. return to ' Top of Page ' <a name="verses-13-27" class="com-number"
Pericope (part_of)
- part_of
pericope/per-act-25-001 - part_of
pericope/per-act-25-002
절 (explains)
bible-text/act-25-1, bible-text/act-25-2, bible-text/act-25-3, bible-text/act-25-4, bible-text/act-25-5, bible-text/act-25-6, bible-text/act-25-7, bible-text/act-25-8, bible-text/act-25-9, bible-text/act-25-10, bible-text/act-25-11, bible-text/act-25-12
Source
source-manifest/mhm— Matthew Henry Complete Commentary (PD)- evidence_grade: T_theological
> 베스도가 그 지방에 부임한 지 사흘 만에 가이사랴에서 예루살렘으로 올라갔다. 그러자 대제사장들과 유대 사람의 지도자들이 그에게 바울을 고소하면서 간청하였다. 그들은 바울을 예루살렘으로 불러올려 달라고 호의를 베풀어 줄 것을 요청하였는데, 이는 길에서 그를 죽이려고 음모를 꾸민 것이었다. 그러나 베스도는 바울이 가이사랴에 갇혀 있어야 하며, 자기도 곧 그리로 떠날 것이라고 대답하였다. 그가 말하기를 "그러니 너희 가운데 권한 있는 사람들이 나와 함께 내려가서, 그 사람에게 무슨 잘못이 있거든 고발하라" 하였다. 베스도는 그들 가운데 열흘 남짓 머문 뒤에 가이사랴로 내려갔고, 이튿날 재판석에 앉아 바울을 데려오라고 명령하였다. 바울이 나오자, 예루살렘에서 내려온 유대 사람들이 그를 둘러서서 여러 가지 무거운 죄목으로 고발하였으나 증명하지는 못하였다. 바울은 변론하여 말하기를 "나는 유대 사람의 율법에 대해서도, 성전에 대해서도, 가이사에 대해서도 도무지 죄를 짓지 않았습니다" 하였다. 그러나 베스도는 유대 사람들의 환심을 사려고 바울에게 대답하여 말하기를 "네가 예루살렘으로 올라가서 거기서 이 일들에 관하여 내 앞에서 재판받기를 원하느냐?" 하였다. 바울이 말하기를 "나는 마땅히 재판받아야 할 곳인 가이사의 재판석 앞에 서 있습니다. 당신도 잘 아시는 대로 나는 유대 사람들에게 아무 잘못도 하지 않았습니다. 만일 내가 잘못을 저질러 죽을 만한 일을 했다면 죽기를 거절하지 않겠습니다. 그러나 이 사람들이 나를 고발하는 그 일들이 사실이 아니라면, 아무도 나를 그들에게 넘겨줄 수 없습니다. 나는 가이사에게 상소합니다!" 하였다. 그러자 베스도가 배심관들과 의논한 뒤에 대답하여 말하기를 "네가 가이사에게 상소하였으니, 가이사에게로 갈 것이다" 하였다. (행 25:1-12)
흔히 "새 영주, 새 법, 새 관습"이라는 말이 있다. 그런데 여기서는 총독이 바뀌었음에도 바울에 대한 처우는 이전과 다를 바 없다. 베스도 역시 펠릭스처럼, 바울에게 마땅히 행해야 할 정의를 다하지 못한다. 그를 석방하지 않기 때문이다. 그러나 유대 사람들이 요구하는 만큼의 불의를 저지르지도 않는다. 죽음에 이르게 하거나 그들의 분노에 내맡기지는 않기 때문이다.
**I. 대제사장과 유대 사람들이 총독을 압박하여 바울을 포기하게 만들려 한 일이다.** 바울을 예루살렘으로 보내는 것은 사실상 그를 버리는 것과 같았다.
**첫째, 얼마나 신속하게 압박했는지를 보라(행 25:1-3).** 베스도가 그 지방에 부임하자마자, 아직 총독직에 자리를 잡기도 전에—아마 가이사랴에서 임명식을 치렀을 것이다—사흘 만에 예루살렘으로 올라갔다. 그리고 그가 예루살렘에 도착하자마자 제사장들이 그를 들들 볶으며 바울을 처단하게 만들려 했다. 바울이 갇혀 있는 가이사랴에서 사흘을 머무는 동안 바울 편에서는 어떤 간청도 없었다. 석방을 위해 연줄을 쓸 수 있었을 텐데도 그렇게 하지 않았다. 그러나 예루살렘에 도착하자마자 제사장들은 초조하게 그를 압박하기 시작했다. 주목하라. 악의라는 것은 얼마나 끊임없는 것인가. 바울은 자신의 투옥이 길어지는 것을 원수들이 그의 처형을 지연시키는 것보다 더 인내로이 감내한다.
**둘째, 얼마나 악의적이었는지를 보라.** 그들은 총독에게 바울을 사전에 고발하였다(행 25:2). 공정한 재판이 열리기도 전에 총독을 자기편으로 만들어 판사가 될 사람을 당사자로 만들려 한 것이다. 그러나 이 술수도 믿을 수 없었다. 총독이 직접 심리하면 그들의 고발이 모두 허사가 될 것이기 때문이다. 그래서 그들은 훨씬 더 비열한 계책을 꾸몄다. 재판이 시작되기 전에 바울을 암살하려 한 것이다. 그리스도의 복음에 대한 악의를 채우기 위해, 겉으로는 모세를 향한 열심을 내세우면서, 세상이 보편적으로 혐오하는 이 비인간적이고 악마적인 방법에 손을 댄 것이다. "종교가 이토록 큰 악을 부추길 수 있다니(Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum)."
**셋째, 얼마나 그럴듯한 빌미를 댔는지를 보라.** 총독이 직접 예루살렘에 있는 동안, 바울을 그리로 불러 거기서 재판해 달라고 요청하였다. 이는 고발하는 측의 수고를 덜어 주는 것으로 보기에도 합당했다. 범죄가 발생한 법정에서 재판을 받는 것이 관례였으니, 바울이 예루살렘 성전을 더럽혔다는 혐의가 있었기 때문이다. 그러나 그들의 진짜 의도는 호위가 허술할 때 바울을 길에서 기습하여 살해하는 것이었다. 총독에게 "바울을 해치는 호의를 베풀어 달라"고 한 표현은 대단히 뻔뻔스러운 것이다. 고발인의 역할은 피고인이 죄인이라고 여기면 정의를 요구하는 것이다. 그러나 총독에게 피고인에 대한 호의를 구하다니—판사가 피고의 변호인이 되어야 할 자리에서— 이는 정의를 거스르는 것이다.
**II. 총독이 바울의 재판을 현재 있는 가이사랴에서 열겠다고 결정한 일이다(행 25:4-5).** 베스도가 고발인들을 어떻게 다루는지 살펴보자.
**첫째, 바울을 예루살렘으로 보내는 친절을 베풀지 않는다.** 그는 바울이 가이사랴에 계속 갇혀 있어야 한다고 명했다. 그들의 살인 음모를 직접 알았거나 보고받지 못했을 수도 있다. 아마도 대제사장 무리를 너무 편들기 싫었거나, 가이사랴 법정의 권위를 유지하려 했거나, 아니면 바울을 이송하는 번거로움을 피하려 했을 것이다. 이유가 무엇이든 하나님은 총독의 마음을 이 방향으로 기울이심으로써 바울을 원수들의 손에서 보호하셨다. 하나님은 한 가지 방법에만 매이지 않으신다. 음모가 드러나지 않더라도 다른 방법으로 그것을 무산시키실 수 있다. 위대한 이들의 세속적인 정책도 하나님의 은혜로운 목적을 위한 도구로 삼으신다.
**둘째, 그들이 가이사랴로 내려와 고발한다면 공정하게 심리해 주겠다고 한다.** "너희 가운데 권한 있는 사람들이 나와 함께 내려가라." 바울이 고발당하는 것처럼 단정하지 않겠다는 것이다. 죄가 있다면 그것을 증명해야 한다.
**III. 베스도 앞에서 열린 바울의 재판이다.** 베스도는 예루살렘에서 열흘 남짓 머문 뒤 가이사랴로 내려갔고, 고발인들도 함께 내려왔을 것이다. 베스도는 이 사건을 먼저 처리하기로 하여 이튿날 바로 심리에 들어갔다. 법적 처리에서 신속함은 매우 칭찬받을 만하다. 물론 서두른다고 좋은 결과가 보장되지는 않지만.
**첫째, 법정이 열리고 바울이 불려 나왔다(행 25:6).** 베스도는 재판석에 앉아 바울을 데려오라고 명하였다. 그리스도께서는 이런 두려운 시련 아래 있는 제자들을 격려하고 기운을 북돋우시려, 그들이 이스라엘 지파들을 심판하는 보좌에 앉게 될 날이 올 것이라고 약속하셨다.
**둘째, 고발인들이 고발 내용을 제기하였다(행 25:7).** 예루살렘에서 내려온 유대 사람들이 둘러섰다. 이는 그들의 수가 많았음을 나타낸다. "주여, 나를 괴롭히는 자가 얼마나 많은지요!" 또한 그들이 일치단결하여 서로를 지지하며 끝까지 함께 버티겠다는 것을 보여 주며, 고발에 열중하며 바울에게 소리를 질러 댄다는 것도 보여 준다. 그들이 둘러선 것은 판사를 위협하거나 최소한 바울을 주눅 들게 하려는 의도였다. 그러나 헛수고였다. 바울에게는 그들이 두렵지 않을 만큼 굳건한 확신이 있었다. "그들이 벌 때처럼 나를 에워쌌으나 가시나무 불처럼 사그라들었다"(시 118:12). 그들은 바울에게 여러 가지 무거운 죄목을 들이댔다. 그러나 증거를 내야 할 단계에 이르러서는 실패하였다. 모든 것이 거짓이었고 고발은 근거 없는 것이었다. 가장 훌륭한 이들도 재판정 앞에서조차 모든 종류의 악한 말을 듣는 것이 새삼스러운 일이 아니다.
**셋째, 바울이 자신을 변론하며 결백을 주장하였다(행 25:8).** 누가 그를 비난하더라도 그 자신의 양심은 그를 비난하지 않으므로, 그의 입도 그를 비난하지 않는다. 설령 죽음을 앞두더라도 그는 자신의 온전함을 포기하지 않는다. 자신의 말을 할 차례가 되자 그는 무죄를 주장하였다. "나는 유대 사람의 율법에 대해서도, 성전에 대해서도, 가이사에 대해서도 도무지 죄를 짓지 않았습니다." (1) 그는 유대 사람의 율법을 어기지 않았으며 율법을 파괴하는 교리를 가르치지 않았다. 믿음으로 율법을 폐하는가? 그렇지 않다, 오히려 세운다. 율법의 목적인 그리스도를 전하는 것은 율법에 대한 범죄가 아니다. (2) 그는 성전을 더럽히지 않았으며 성전 예배를 조금도 무시하지 않았다. 복음의 성전을 세우는 것이 그 그림자인 성전에 아무 해를 끼치지 않는다. (3) 그는 가이사와 그 정부에 대해 죄를 짓지 않았다. 이로 보아 그의 사건이 이제 정부 앞에 나오게 되자, 총독의 환심을 사려 하고 황제의 친구인 척하려는 자들이 그를 현재 권세에 대한 불충 혐의로 고발했음을 알 수 있다. 그 때문에 바울은 그 점에서 자신을 변호하고 자신이 가이사의 적이 아님을 항변하지 않을 수 없었다.
**IV. 바울이 황제에게 상소한 일과 그 계기이다.** 이것이 사건에 새로운 전환을 가져왔다. 미리 그렇게 할 생각이었는지, 아니면 현재의 상황에서 즉흥적으로 결정한 것인지는 알 수 없다. 그러나 하나님께서 그의 마음에 이것을 넣어 주셨으니, 이는 "네가 로마에서도 증언해야 한다"(행 23:11)고 하신 말씀을 이루기 위함이었다.
**첫째, 베스도가 바울에게 예루살렘으로 가서 재판을 받겠느냐고 제안하였다(행 25:9).** 베스도는 유대 사람들의 환심을 사려고, 죄수보다는 고발인 측을 편들려 하였다. 물론 로마 시민에게는 함부로 할 수 없는 한에서. 그래서 그는 바울에게, 예루살렘으로 올라가 자신의 앞에서 재판을 받겠냐고 물었다. 기꺼이 그러겠다면 오해를 살 소지도 없었다. 고통의 시기에 주님의 백성에게는 인내뿐 아니라 분별력도 시험받는다. "양을 이리 가운데 보내는 것처럼" 보내심을 받았으니, 그들은 "뱀처럼 지혜로워야" 한다.
**둘째, 바울이 이를 거절하며 그 이유를 밝혔다.** 만약 예루살렘으로 이송되면 총독이 아무리 경계해도 유대 사람들이 어떤 수를 써서라도 자신을 죽일 것임을 알았기 때문이다. (1) 로마 시민으로서 그의 법적 재판 장소는 가이사랴에 있는 가이사의 재판석이었다. "나는 마땅히 재판받아야 할 곳인 가이사의 재판석 앞에 서 있습니다." 법정은 가이사의 이름으로, 그의 권위와 위임으로 운영되었으므로 가이사의 재판석이라 할 수 있다. 바울이 가이사의 재판석에서 재판받아야 한다고 인정한 것은, 그리스도의 사역자들이 민권의 관할에서 면제되지 않으며 양심에 어긋나지 않는 한 그것에 복종해야 하며, 실제로 죄를 지었다면 그 처벌을 받아야 하고, 결백하더라도 조사에 응하며 자신을 변호해야 함을 명확히 보여 준다. (2) 유대 민족의 일원으로서 그는 그들에게 아무 잘못도 하지 않았다. "당신도 잘 아시는 대로 나는 유대 사람들에게 아무 잘못도 하지 않았습니다." 결백한 사람이 자신의 결백을 주장하고 거기에 근거를 두는 것은 마땅한 일이다. 그것은 자기 명예에 지는 빚이며, 자신에 대해 거짓 증언을 하지 않을 뿐 아니라 자신에게 거짓 증언하는 자들에 맞서 자신의 온전함을 지키는 것이다. (3) 그는 법의 규칙에 따르겠다고 하였다(행 25:11). 죽을 만한 죄를 지었다면 저항하거나 도망치지 않겠다고 하였다. 그러나 고발인들의 주장이 사실이 아니라면 "아무도 나를 그들에게 넘겨줄 수 없습니다. 총독이라도 그것은 명백한 불의입니다. 죄 없는 자를 보호하는 것도 판사의 임무이기 때문입니다."
**셋째, 가이사에게 상소한 일이다.** 유대 사람들의 손에 끊임없이 위험에 노출되고, 한 번 또 한 번 그들의 손에 넘어갈 뻔한 상황에서—그들의 자비는 잔인함이었다—바울은 억압받는 무죄자의 최후 피난처로 피신하였다. "나는 가이사에게 상소합니다." 유대 사람들의 손에 넘겨지느니 차라리 네로에게 넘겨지겠다는 것이다. 다윗이 사울에게 여러 번 죽을 뻔한 뒤 "사울의 손에 죽게 될 것이니 블레셋 사람의 땅으로 피하는 것 외에 좋은 방도가 없다"고 결론지었던 것처럼(삼상 27:1), 바울도 마찬가지였다. 아브라함의 후손이 아브라함의 자손이라 자처하는 자들보다 블레셋인이나 로마인 곁에서 더 안전해야 한다는 것은 통탄할 일이다. "신실하던 성읍이 어찌 창녀가 되었는가!"
**V. 이 모든 일에 내려진 판결이다.** 바울은 석방되지도 단죄되지도 않는다. 원수들은 그의 사형으로 끝나기를 바랐고, 친구들은 그의 석방으로 끝나기를 바랐다. 그러나 양쪽 다 실망한다. 사건은 그대로 남겨진다. 이는 때때로 섭리가 느린 걸음으로 나아가며 우리가 기대하는 만큼 빨리 결론에 이르지 않음을 보여 준다. 우리는 종종 소망에도 두려움에도 부끄러움을 당하며, 여전히 하나님을 기다리게 된다. 이 사건은 이전에도 다른 때로 연기되었고 이번에는 다른 법정으로 넘겨진다. 바울의 환난이 인내를 이루도록 하기 위함이다.
**첫째, 총독이 이 문제를 놓고 조언을 구하였다.** 그는 배심관들과 의논하였다. 여기서 배심관은 유대인의 의회(시네드리온)가 아니라 총독 자신의 고문들이다. "지략이 많으면 안전하다." 판사는 판결을 내리기 전에 자신과 다른 이들과 상의해야 한다.
**둘째, 그는 바울을 로마로 보내기로 결정하였다.** 어떤 이들은 바울이 황제의 법정에 상소한 것이지 황제 개인에게 한 것이 아니므로, 베스도가 로마로 보낼지 여부를 선택할 수 있었다고 생각한다. 그러나 아그립바가 "이 사람이 가이사에게 상소하지 않았더라면 놓아 줄 수 있었을 것이오"(행 26:32)라고 한 말로 보면, 로마 법에 따라 로마 시민은 언제든 상급 법정, 심지어 최고 법정에 상소할 수 있었던 것으로 보인다. 베스도는 자의로든 관례에 따라서든 이 결론에 이른다. "네가 가이사에게 상소하였으니, 가이사에게로 갈 것이다." 그는 이 사건에 뭔가 매우 특별한 것이 있어 어느 쪽으로도 판결을 내리기가 두려웠고, 황제가 흥미 있게 생각할 것이라 여겨 황제의 판단에 맡기기로 한 것이다.
하나님의 심판대 앞에서도 마찬가지다. 율법에 근거하여 자신을 의롭다 주장하는 자들은 율법으로 가게 될 것이며, 율법은 그들을 정죄할 것이다. 그러나 회개와 믿음으로 복음에 상소하는 자들은 복음으로 가게 될 것이며, 복음은 그들을 구원할 것이다.
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원주석
- 번역원본
commentary-section/mhm-act-25-1-12(Matthew Henry, PD) - CC0-1.0 · Sonnet 위탁 번역 · 성경 인용은 WEB(PD) 기반
1~27절 카드 ↗
A C T S. CHAP. XXV. Some think that Felix was turned out, and Festus succeeded him, quickly after Paul's imprisonment, and that the two years mentioned in the close of the foregoing chapter are to be reckoned from the beginning of Nero's reign; but it seems more natural to compute them from Paul's being delivered into the hands of Felix. However, we have here much the same management of Paul's case as we had in the foregoing chapter; cognizance is here taken of it, I. By Festus the governor; it is brought before him by the Jews, Acts 25:1-3 . The hearing of it is appointed to be, not at Jerusalem, as the Jews desired, out at Cæsarea, Acts 25:4-6 . The Jews appear against Paul and accuse him ( Acts 25:7 ), but he stands upon his own innocency ( Acts 25:8 ); and to avoid the removing of the cause to Jerusalem, to which he was pressed to consent, he at length appeals to Cæsar, Acts 25:9-12 . II. By king Agrippa, to whom Festus relates his case ( Acts 25:13-21 ), and Agrippa desires he might have the hearing of it himself, Acts 25:22 . The court is accordingly set, and Paul brought to the bar ( Acts 25:23 ), and Festus opens the cause ( Acts 25:24-27 ), to introduce Paul's defence in the next chapter. return to ' Top of Page ' <a name="verses-1-12" class="com-number"
Pericope (part_of)
- part_of
pericope/per-act-25-001 - part_of
pericope/per-act-25-002 - part_of
pericope/per-act-25-003 - part_of
pericope/per-act-25-004
절 (explains)
Source
source-manifest/mhm— Matthew Henry Complete Commentary (PD)- evidence_grade: T_theological
펠릭스가 물러나고 베스도가 그 뒤를 이은 것이 언제인지에 대해 학자들 사이에 의견이 엇갈린다. 앞 장 말미에 나오는 "이 년"을 네로의 통치 시작부터 계산해야 한다고 보는 이들이 있지만, 바울이 펠릭스의 손에 넘겨진 때부터 계산하는 것이 더 자연스러운 해석이다. 어느 쪽이든 이 장에서는 앞 장과 거의 동일한 방식으로 바울의 사건이 다루어진다. 먼저 총독 베스도에 의해 심리된다. 유대 사람들이 그에게 이 사건을 제기하고(행 25:1-3), 청문 장소는 유대 사람들이 원하는 예루살렘이 아니라 가이사랴로 정해진다(행 25:4-6). 유대 사람들이 나타나 바울을 고발하지만(행 25:7), 바울은 자신의 결백을 주장한다(행 25:8). 그리고 예루살렘으로 이송하라는 압박에 맞서 마침내 가이사에게 상소한다(행 25:9-12). 다음으로 아그립바 왕이 이 사건에 관여한다. 베스도가 왕에게 사건의 전말을 설명하고(행 25:13-21), 아그립바는 자신이 직접 바울의 말을 듣고 싶다고 청한다(행 25:22). 이에 따라 법정이 열리고 바울이 불려 나온다(행 25:23). 베스도가 사건을 소개하며(행 25:24-27), 다음 장에 나오는 바울의 변론을 위한 무대를 마련한다.
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Agrippa's Visit to Festus; Paul Arraigned before Agrippa. 13 And after certain days king Agrippa and Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus. 14 And when they had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king, saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix: 15 About whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews informed me, desiring to have judgment against him. 16 To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against him. 17 Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be brought forth. 18 Against whom when the accusers stood up, they brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: 19 But had certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus, which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. 20 And because I doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. 21 But when Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded him to be kept till I might send him to Cæsar. 22 Then Agrippa said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou shalt hear him. 23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment Paul was brought forth. 24 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. 25 But when I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him. 26 Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after examination had, I might have somewhat to write. 27 For it seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him. We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather only to gratify his curiosity. Christ had said, concerning his followers, that they should be brought before governors and kings. In the former part of this chapter Paul was brought before Festus the governor, here before Agrippa the king, for a testimony to both. Here is, I. The kind and friendly visit which king Agrippa made to Festus, now upon his coming into the government in that province ( Acts 25:13 ; Acts 25:13 ): After certain days, king Agrippa came to Cæsarea. Here is royal visit. Kings usually think it enough to send their ambassadors to congratulate their friends, but here was a king that came himself, that made the majesty of a prince yield to the satisfaction of a friend; for personal converse is the most pleasant among friends. Observe, 1. Who the visitants were. (1.) King Agrippa, the son of that Herod (surnamed Agrippa ) who killed James the apostle, and was himself eaten of worms, and great grandson of Herod the Great, under whom Christ was born. Josephus calls this Agrippa the younger; Claudius the emperor made him king of Chalcis, and tetrarch of Trachonitis and Abylene, mentioned Luke 3:1 . The Jewish writers speak of him, and (as Dr. Lightfoot tells us) among other things relate this story of him, "That reading the law publicly, in the latter end of the year of release, as was enjoined, the king, when he came to those words ( Deuteronomy 17:15 ), Thou shalt not set a stranger king over thee, who is not of thy brethren, the tears ran down his cheeks, for he was not of the seed of Israel, which the congregation observing, cried out, Be of good comfort, king Agrippa, thou art our brother; for he was of their religion, though not of their blood." (2.) Bernice came with him. She was his own sister, now a widow, the widow of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, after whose death she lived with this brother of hers, who was suspected to be too familiar with her, and, after she was a second time married to Polemon king of Cilicia, she got to be divorced from him, and returned to her brother king Agrippa. Juvenal ( Sat. 6) speaks of a diamond ring which Agrippa gave to Bernice, his incestuous sister:-- --------------Berenices In digito factus pretiosior; hunc dedit olim Barbarus incestæ, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori. That far-famed gem which on the finger glow'd Of Bernice (dearer thence), bestowed By an incestuous brother.--G IFFORD . And both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of a criminal intimacy afterwards between her and Titus Vespasian. Drusilla, the wife of Felix, was another sister. Such lewd people were the great people generally in those times! Say not that the former days were better. 2. What the design of this visit was: they came to salute Festus, to give him joy of his new promotion, and to wish him joy in it; they came to compliment him upon his accession to the government, and to keep up a good correspondence with him, that Agrippa, who had the government of Galilee, might act in concert with Festus, who had the government of Judea; but it is probable they came as much to divert themselves as to show respect to him, and to share in the entertainments of his court, and to show their fine clothes, which would do vain people no good if they did not go abroad. II. The account which Festus gave to king Agrippa of Paul and his case, which he gave. 1. To entertain him, and give him some diversion. It was a very remarkable story, and worth any man's hearing, not only as it was surprising and entertaining, but, if it were truly and fully told, very instructive and edifying; and it would be particularly acceptable to Agrippa, not only because he was a judge, and there were some points of law and practice in it well worth his notice, but much more as he was a Jew, and there were some points of religion in it much more deserving his cognizance. 2. To have his advice. Festus was but newly come to be a judge, at least to be a judge in these parts, and therefore was diffident of himself and of his own ability, and willing to have the counsel of those that were older and more experienced, especially in a matter that had so much difficulty in it as Paul's case seemed to have, and therefore he declared it to the king. Let us now see the particular account he gives to king Agrippa concerning Paul, Acts 25:14-21 ; Acts 25:14-21 . (1.) He found him a prisoner when he came into the government of this province; and therefore could not of his own knowledge give an account of his cause from the beginning: There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix; and therefore, if there were any thing amiss in the first taking of him into custody, Festus is not to answer for that, for he found him in bonds. When Felix, to do the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound, though he knew him to be innocent, he knew not what he did, knew not but he might fall into worse hands than he did fall into, though they were none of the best. (2.) That the Jewish sanhedrim were extremely set against him: "The chief priests and the elders informed me against him as a dangerous man, and not fit to live, and desired he might therefore be condemned to die." These being great pretenders to religion, and therefore to be supposed men of honour and honesty, Festus thinks he ought to give credit to them; but Agrippa knows them better than he does, and therefore Festus desires his advice in this matter. (3.) That he had insisted upon the Roman law in favour of the prisoner, and would not condemn him unheard ( Acts 25:16 ; Acts 25:16 ): " It is not the manner of the Romans, who herein govern themselves by the law of nature and the fundamental rules of justice, to deliver any man to die, to grant him to destruction" (so the word is), "to gratify his enemies with his destruction, before the accused has the accusers face to face, to confront their testimony, and have both licence and time given him to answer for himself." He seems to upbraid them as if they reflected upon the Romans and their government in asking such a thing, or expecting that they would condemn a man without trying him: "No," says he, "I would have you to know, whatever you may allow of among yourselves, the Romans allow not of such a piece of injustice among them." Audi et alteram partem--Hear the other side, had become a proverb among them. This rule we ought to be governed by in our private censures in common conversation; we must not give men bad characters, nor condemn their words and actions, till we have heard what is to be said in their vindication. See John 7:51 . (4.) That he had brought him upon his trial, according to the duty of his place, Acts 25:17 ; Acts 25:17 . That he had been expeditious in it, and the prosecutors had not reason to complain of his being dilatory, for as soon as ever they had come (and we are sure they lost no time) without any delay, on the morrow, he had brought on the cause. He had likewise tried him in the most solemn manner: He sat on the judgment-seat, as they used to do in weightier causes, while those that were of small moment they judged de plano--upon even ground. He called a great court on purpose for the trial of Paul, that the sentence might be definitive, and the cause ended. (5.) That he was extremely disappointed in the charge they brought against him ( Acts 25:18 ; Acts 25:19 ): When the accusers stood up against him, and opened their indictment, they brought no accusations of such things as I supposed. [1.] He supposed by the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging it thus upon the Roman governors one after another, First, That they had something to accuse him of that was dangerous either to private property or the public peace,--that they would undertake to prove him a robber, or a murderer, or a rebel against the Roman power,--that he had been in arms to head a sedition,--that if he were not that Egyptian who lately made an uproar, and commanded a party of cut-throats, as the chief captain supposed him to be, yet he was one of the same kidney. Such were the outcries against the primitive Christians, so loud, so fierce, that the standers-by, who judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude them the worst of men; and to represent them so was the design of that clamour, as it was against our Saviour. Secondly, That they had something to accuse him of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and which the governor was properly the judge of, as Gallio expected ( Acts 18:14 ; Acts 18:14 ); otherwise it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it, and really an affront to him. [2.] But to his great surprise he finds the matter is neither so nor so; they had certain questions against him, instead of proofs and evidences against him. The worst they had to say against him was disputable whether it was a crime or no-moot-points, that would bear an endless debate, but had no tendency to fasten any guilt upon him, questions fitter for the schools than for the judgment-seat. And they were questions of their own superstition, so he calls their religion; or, rather, so he calls that part of their religion which Paul was charged with doing damage to. The Romans protected their religion according to their law, but not their superstition, nor the tradition of their elders. But the great question, it seems, was concerning one Jesus that was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. Some think the superstition he speaks of was the Christian religion, which Paul preached, and that he had the same notion of it that the Athenians had, that it was the introducing of a new demon, even Jesus. See how slightly this Roman speaks of Christ, and of his death and resurrection, and of the great controversy between the Jews and the Christians whether he were the Messiah promised or no, and the great proof of his being the Messiah, his resurrection from the dead, as if it were no more than this, There was one Jesus that was dead, and Paul affirmed he was alive. In many causes issue is joined upon this question, whether such a person that has been long absent be living or dead, and proofs are brought on both sides; and Festus will have it thought that this is a matter of no more moment. Whereas this Jesus, whom he prides himself in being thus ignorant of, as if he were below his notice, is he that was dead, and is alive, and lives for evermore, and has the keys of hell and of death, Revelation 1:18 . What Paul affirmed concerning Jesus, that he is alive, is a matter of such vast importance that if it be not true we are all undone. (6.) That therefore he had proposed to Paul that the cause might be adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair of this nature ( Acts 25:20 ; Acts 25:20 ): " Because I doubted of such manner of questions, and thought myself unfit to judge of things I did not understand, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, appear before the great sanhedrim, and there be judged of these matters. " He would not force him to it, but would be glad if Paul would consent to it, that he might not have his conscience burdened with a cause of this nature. (7.) That Paul had chosen rather to remove his cause to Rome than to Jerusalem, as expecting fairer play from the emperor than from the priests: "He appealed to be reserved to the hearing of Augustus ( Acts 25:21 ; Acts 25:21 ), having no other way to stop proceedings here in this inferior court; and therefore I commanded him to be kept a close prisoner till I might send him to Cæsar, for I did not see cause to refuse his appeal, but rather was pleased with it." III. The bringing of him before Agrippa, that he might have the hearing of his cause. 1. The king desired it ( Acts 25:22 ; Acts 25:22 ): "I thank you for your account of him, but I would also hear the man myself. " Agrippa knows more of this matter, of the cause and of the person, than Festus does; he has heard of Paul, and knows of what vast concern this question is, which Festus makes such a jest of, whether Jesus be alive or no. And nothing would oblige him more than to hear Paul. Many great men think it below them to take cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear them like themselves in the judgment-seat. Agrippa would not for all the world have gone to a meeting to hear Paul preach, any more than Herod to hear Jesus; and yet they are both glad to have them brought before them, only to satisfy their curiosity. Perhaps Agrippa desired to hear him himself, that he might be in a capacity to do him a kindness, and yet did him none, only put some credit upon him. 2. Festus granted it: To-morrow thou shalt hear him. There was a good providence in this, for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive in his imprisonment, and deprived of all opportunities of doing good. We know not of any of his epistles that bore date from his prison at Cæsarea. What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, and perhaps to a little congregation of them that visited him every Lord's-day, was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness, so that he seemed to be thrown by as a despised broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure; but this gives him an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great congregation, and (which is more) to a congregation of great ones. Felix heard him in private concerning the faith of Christ. But Agrippa and Festus agree he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his sermon in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some other of his sermons for the conversion of souls, redounded as much to the honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached in his life. 3. Great preparation was made for it ( Acts 25:23 ; Acts 25:23 ): The next day there was a great appearance in the place of hearing, Paul and his cause being much talked of, and the more for their being much talked against. (1.) Agrippa and Bernice took this opportunity to show themselves in state, and to make a figure, and perhaps for that end desired the occasion, that they might see and be seen; for they came with great pomp, richly dressed, with gold and pearls, and costly array; with a great retinue of footmen in rich liveries, which made a splendid show, and dazzled the eyes of the gazing crowd. They came meta polles phantasias -- with great fancy, so the word is. Note, Great pomp is but great fancy. It neither adds any read excellency, nor gains any real respect, but feeds a vain humour, which wise men would rather mortify than gratify. It is but a show, a dream, a fantastical thing (so the word signifies), superficial, and it passeth away. And the pomp of this appearance would put one for ever out of conceit with pomp, when the pomp which Agrippa and Bernice appeared in was, [1.] Stained by their lewd characters, and all the beauty of it sullied, and all virtuous people that knew them could not but contemn them in the midst of all this pomp as vile persons, Psalms 15:4 . [2.] Outshone by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of their fine clothes, compared with that of his wisdom, and grace, and holiness, his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ! His bonds in so good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp that here sees so bad a woman loaded with it and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it? (2.) The chief captains and principal men of the city took this opportunity to pay their respects to Festus and to his guests. It answered the end of a ball at court, it brought the fine folks together in their fine clothes, and served for an entertainment. It is probable that Festus sent Paul notice of it overnight, to be ready for a hearing the next morning before Agrippa. And such confidence had Paul in the promise of Christ, that it should be given him in that same hour what he should speak, that he complained not of the short warning, nor was put into confusion by it. I am apt to think that those who were to appear in pomp perplexed themselves more with care about their clothes than Paul, who was to appear as a prisoner, did with care about his cause; for he knew whom he had believed, and who stood by him. IV. The speech with which Festus introduced the cause, when the court, or rather the audience, was set, which is much to the same purport with the account he had just now given to Agrippa. 1. He addressed himself respectfully to the company: " King Agrippa, and all men who are here present with us. " He speaks to all the men -- pantes andres, as if he intended a tacit reflection upon Bernice, a woman, for appearing in a meeting of this nature; he does not refer any thing to her judgment nor desire her counsel; but, " All you that are present that are men (so the words are placed), I desire you to take cognizance of this matter." The word used is that which signifies men in distinction from women; what had Bernice to do here? 2. He represents the prisoner as one that the Jews had a very great spite against; not only the rulers, but the multitude of them, both at Jerusalem and here at Cæsarea, cry out that he ought not to live any longer, for they think he has lived too long already, and if he live any longer it will be to do more mischief. They could not charge him with any capital crime, but they wanted to have him out of the way. 3. He confesses the prisoner's innocency; and it was much for the honour of Paul and his bonds that he had such a public acknowledgement as this from the mouth of his judge ( Acts 25:25 ; Acts 25:25 ): I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death. Upon a full hearing of the case, it appeared there was no evidence at all to support the indictment: and therefore, though he was inclinable enough to favour the prosecutors, yet his own conscience brought in Paul not guilty. And why did he not discharge him then, for he stood upon his deliverance? Why, truly, because he was so much clamoured against, and he feared the clamour would turn upon himself if he should release him. It is a pity but every man that has a conscience should have courage to act according to it. Or perhaps because there was so much smoke that he concluded there could not but be some fire, which would appear at last, and he would detain him a prisoner in expectation of it. 4. He acquaints them with the present state of the case, that the prisoner had appealed to the emperor himself (where by he put ann honour upon his own cause, as knowing it not unworthy the cognizance of the greatest of men), and that he had admitted his appeal: I have determined to send him. And thus the cause now stood. 5. He desires their assistance in examining the matter calmly and impartially, now that there was no danger of their being interrupted, as he had been with the noisiness and outrage of the prosecutors-that he might have at least such an insight into the cause as was necessary to his stating it to the emperor, Acts 25:26 ; Acts 25:27 . (1.) He thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner, especially so far as Rome, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him, that the matter might be prepared as much as possible, and put in a readiness for the emperor's determination; for he is supposed to be a man of great business, and therefore every affair must be laid before him in as little compass as possible. (2.) He could not as yet write any thing certain concerning Paul; so confused were the informations that were given in against him, and so inconsistent, that Festus could make nothing at all of them. He therefore desired Paul might thus be publicly examined, that he might be advised by them what to write. See what a great deal of trouble and vexation those were put to, and to what delay, nay, and to what hazard, in the administration of public justice, who live at such a distance from Rome, and yet were subject to the emperor of Rome. The same was this nation of ours put to (which is about as far distant from Rome the other way) when it was in ecclesiastical affairs subject to the pope of Rome, and appeals were upon all occasions made to his court; and the same mischiefs, and a thousand worse, would those bring upon us who would again entangle us in that yoke of bondage. return to ' Top of Page ' Acts Act 24 Acts Act Acts Act 26 Footnotes: Copyright Statement These files are public domain and are a derivative of an electronic edition that is available on the Christian Classics Ethereal Library Website. Bibliographical Information Henry, Matthew. "Complete Commentary on Acts 25". 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0);}else{takesVerse=(parseInt(verse,10)>0);}if(takesVerse){translationSelector_menu('verse');}else{_ts_sendThemBack('reference-noverse');}}});}if(mode==='verse'){return _ts_el('div',{cls:'popupDiv-item clickable selector-chapter',data:{number:o},html:o,click:function(){_ts_removeOverlay();verse=parseInt(this.getAttribute('data-number'),10);_ts_sendThemBack('reference-verse');}});}if(mode==='language'){return _ts_el('div',{cls:'popupDiv-item clickable selector-languages',data:{'trans-lang':items[o].abbr},html:items[o].name,click:function(){_ts_removeOverlay();translang=this.getAttribute('data-trans-lang');translationSelector_menu('translation');}});}if(mode==='translation'){return _ts_el('div',{cls:'popupDiv-item clickable selector-translation',data:{'trans-abbr':items[o].trans},html:items[o].name,click:function(){_ts_removeOverlay();transabbr=this.getAttribute('data-trans-abbr');_ts_sendThemBack('translation');}});}} function _ts_sendThemBack(reason){var origPath=window.location.pathname;var parts=origPath.split('/');var noVerse=(reason==='reference-noverse');var inputIsPerVerse=_ts_isPerVerseUrl(origPath);if(parts[1]==='interlinear-study-bible'){parts=parts.slice(0,5);parts[3]=book_data[book].url;parts[4]=noVerse?(chapter+'.html'):(chapter+'-'+verse+'.html');}else if(parts[1]==='commentary'){parts=parts.slice(0,4);parts[2]=book_data[book].url;parts[3]=noVerse?(chapter+'.html'):(chapter+'-'+verse+'.html');}else if(parts[1]==='commentaries'){parts[2]=comlang;parts[3]=comabbr;if(inputIsPerVerse){parts=parts.slice(0,6);parts[4]=book_data[book].url;parts[5]=noVerse?(chapter+'.html'):(chapter+'-'+verse+'.html');}else{parts=parts.slice(0,5);parts[4]=book_data[book].url+'-'+chapter+'.html';}}else if(parts[1]==='bible'){parts=parts.slice(0,6);parts[2]=translang;parts[3]=transabbr;parts[4]=book_data[book].url;parts[5]=(verse duction ","Verses 1-12","Verses 13-27"]; function
Pericope (part_of)
- part_of
pericope/per-act-25-003 - part_of
pericope/per-act-25-004
절 (explains)
bible-text/act-25-13, bible-text/act-25-14, bible-text/act-25-15, bible-text/act-25-16, bible-text/act-25-17, bible-text/act-25-18, bible-text/act-25-19, bible-text/act-25-20, bible-text/act-25-21, bible-text/act-25-22, bible-text/act-25-23, bible-text/act-25-24, bible-text/act-25-25, bible-text/act-25-26, bible-text/act-25-27
Source
source-manifest/mhm— Matthew Henry Complete Commentary (PD)- evidence_grade: T_theological
> 며칠이 지난 뒤에 아그립바 왕과 버니게가 가이사랴에 도착하여 베스도에게 문안하였다. 그들이 거기 여러 날 머물러 있는 동안, 베스도가 바울의 사건을 왕에게 설명하여 말하기를 "벨릭스가 갇힌 채로 남겨 둔 어떤 사람이 있습니다. 내가 예루살렘에 있을 때에, 유대 사람의 대제사장들과 장로들이 그를 고발하며 그에게 유죄 선고를 내려 줄 것을 요청하였습니다. 그래서 나는 그들에게, 고발당한 사람이 고발한 사람들과 얼굴을 마주 대하고, 자기에게 제기된 그 일에 관하여 변론할 기회를 갖기 전에는, 어떤 사람도 죽도록 넘겨주는 것이 로마 사람의 관례가 아니라고 대답하였습니다. 그래서 그들이 이리로 함께 모였을 때, 나는 지체하지 않고 이튿날 재판석에 앉아 그 사람을 데려오라고 명령하였습니다. 그런데 고발한 사람들이 일어섰을 때, 그들은 내가 짐작하던 그런 죄목들은 전혀 제기하지 않았습니다. 다만 자기들의 종교에 관한 어떤 문제들과, 또 죽었는데 바울이 살아 있다고 주장하는 예수라는 어떤 사람에 관한 문제들로 그와 다투었습니다. 나는 이런 일들을 어떻게 심리해야 할지 당황하여, 그가 예루살렘으로 가서 거기서 이 문제들에 관하여 재판받기를 원하는지 물었습니다. 그러나 바울이 황제의 판결을 받기 위해 갇혀 있기를 상소하므로, 나는 그를 가이사에게 보낼 수 있을 때까지 가두어 두라고 명령하였습니다" 하였다. 아그립바가 베스도에게 말하기를 "나도 그 사람의 말을 직접 들어보고 싶습니다" 하니, 그가 "내일 들으시게 될 것입니다" 하고 대답하였다. 그래서 이튿날 아그립바와 버니게가 큰 위세를 갖추고 와서, 지휘관들과 그 성의 지도자들과 함께 재판정에 들어가니, 베스도의 명령으로 바울이 끌려 들어왔다. 베스도가 말하기를 "아그립바 왕이여, 그리고 우리와 함께 여기 계신 모든 분들이여, 여러분이 보시는 이 사람에 관하여, 유대 사람의 온 무리가 예루살렘에서나 여기에서나 나에게 호소하며, 그가 더 이상 살아서는 안 된다고 외쳤습니다. 그러나 나는 그가 죽을 만한 일은 아무것도 저지르지 않았음을 알게 되었고, 또 그 자신이 황제에게 상소하였으므로, 나는 그를 보내기로 결정하였습니다. 그러나 그에 관하여 내 주군께 써 보낼 확실한 것이 없습니다. 그러므로 나는 그를 여러분 앞에, 특히 아그립바 왕 앞에 데려왔으니, 이는 심문한 뒤에 써 보낼 무언가를 얻으려는 것입니다. 죄수를 보내면서 그에 대한 죄목을 함께 명시하지 않는 것은 내가 보기에 이치에 맞지 않기 때문입니다" 하였다. (행 25:13-27)
여기서는 아그립바 왕 앞에서의 바울의 또 다른 심문이 준비되는 과정을 보여 준다. 이것은 판결을 내리기 위한 것이 아니라 조언을 구하기 위한, 아니 어쩌면 단순히 그의 호기심을 채워 주기 위한 자리였다. 그리스도께서는 자신의 제자들에 관해, 그들이 총독들과 왕들 앞에 서게 될 것이라고 말씀하셨다. 이 장 앞부분에서 바울은 총독 베스도 앞에 섰고, 여기서는 왕 아그립바 앞에 선다. 양쪽 모두에 대한 증언이 된 것이다.
**I. 아그립바 왕이 베스도에게 예방한 일이다(행 25:13).** 며칠 뒤 아그립바 왕이 가이사랴로 왔다. 왕들은 보통 친서를 보내는 것으로 충분하다고 생각하지만, 이 왕은 직접 왔다. 왕의 위엄보다 친구와 나누는 직접 대화의 만족을 더 높이 여긴 것이다.
**방문자들을 살펴보자.** (1) 아그립바 왕. 그는 사도 야고보를 죽이고 벌레에 먹혀 죽은 헤롯(헤롯 아그립바라 불림)의 아들이며, 헤롯 대왕의 증손이다. 요세푸스는 그를 "아그립바 소왕"이라 부른다. 클라우디우스 황제가 그를 칼키스의 왕으로, 또 누가복음 3:1에 언급된 드라고닛과 아빌레네의 분봉 왕으로 삼았다. 유대 학자들의 기록에 따르면, 그가 안식 후 첫 날에 공개적으로 율법을 읽을 때 신명기 17:15의 "형제가 아닌 이방인을 왕으로 세우지 말라"는 말씀에 이르러 눈물을 흘렸다고 한다. 그가 이스라엘의 혈통이 아니었기 때문이다. 회중이 이를 보고 외쳤다. "안심하십시오, 아그립바 왕이여, 당신은 우리의 형제입니다." 그는 혈통은 아니지만 그들의 종교를 따랐기 때문이다. (2) 버니게가 함께 왔다. 그녀는 그의 친누이로, 당시 과부였다. 삼촌 헤롯 칼키스의 왕의 미망인이었고, 그 죽음 뒤 이 오빠와 함께 살았는데, 서로 너무 가까이 지낸다는 의혹을 받았다. 그 후 킬리기아 왕 폴레몬과 재혼하였다가 이혼하고 다시 오빠 아그립바에게 돌아왔다. 유베날리스는 아그립바가 버니게에게 준 다이아몬드 반지를 언급하면서 그들의 근친상간적인 관계를 지적한다. 타키투스와 수에토니우스도 훗날 그녀와 디투스 베스파시아누스 사이의 부적절한 친밀함을 언급한다. 펠릭스의 아내 드루실라도 다른 누이였다. 그 시대 지도층이 얼마나 방탕하였는지를 보여 준다. "옛날이 지금보다 나았다"고 말하지 말라.
**이 방문의 목적은 무엇이었나?** 베스도에게 새 총독 취임을 축하하고 그와 좋은 관계를 유지하기 위한 것이었다. 갈릴리를 다스리는 아그립바와 유다를 다스리는 베스도가 협력 관계를 유지하기 위한 목적도 있었다. 그러나 아마도 베스도의 궁정을 즐기고 화려한 옷을 과시하기 위한 것도 적지 않았을 것이다.
**II. 베스도가 아그립바 왕에게 바울의 사건을 설명한 일이다.** 두 가지 목적이 있었다.
**첫째, 왕을 즐겁게 하기 위한 것이었다.** 매우 놀랍고 흥미로운 이야기였으며, 제대로 전달된다면 가르침도 줄 수 있는 내용이었다. 아그립바에게는 특히 더 그러했다. 그는 판사이기도 해서 그 안에 담긴 법적·실천적 쟁점들이 눈길을 끌었을 것이고, 더욱이 유대 사람이기도 해서 그 안의 종교적 쟁점에 더욱 관심을 가졌을 것이다.
**둘째, 그의 조언을 구하기 위한 것이었다.** 베스도는 이 지방에서 판사 경험이 많지 않았고, 능력이 많은 이들의 조언을 구하고 싶었다. 특히 바울의 사건처럼 많은 어려움이 있어 보이는 경우에는 더욱 그랬다.
**이제 베스도가 아그립바에게 설명한 내용을 살펴보자(행 25:14-21).**
(1) 그는 이 지방에 부임했을 때 바울이 이미 갇혀 있었다고 말했다. "벨릭스가 갇힌 채로 남겨 둔 어떤 사람이 있습니다." 처음 구금된 과정에서 잘못이 있었다면 그것은 베스도가 책임질 일이 아니었다. 펠릭스가 유대 사람들의 환심을 사려고 무고한 것을 알면서도 바울을 가두어 두었을 때, 그가 어떤 더 나쁜 손에 넘어갈지 몰랐다. 실제로 넘어간 손도 결코 좋은 손은 아니었지만.
(2) 유대 공의회가 바울에 대해 극도로 적대적이었다고 했다. "대제사장들과 장로들이 그를 고발하며 죽도록 선고해 달라고 요청하였습니다." 이들이 종교를 내세우는 사람들이라 어느 정도 신뢰를 주어야 하지 않겠나 생각했을 것이다. 그러나 아그립바는 그들을 훨씬 잘 안다. 그래서 베스도는 이 문제에서 그의 조언을 구한다.
(3) 로마 법의 정신으로 죄수의 권리를 지키고 공정한 심리 전에 그를 정죄하지 않겠다고 했다(행 25:16). "고발당한 사람이 고발한 사람들과 얼굴을 마주 대하고, 자기에게 제기된 그 일에 관하여 변론할 기회를 갖기 전에는, 어떤 사람도 죽도록 넘겨주는 것이 로마 사람의 관례가 아닙니다." 이것은 자연법과 정의의 기본 원칙에 따른 것이다. "상대방의 말도 들으라(Audi et alteram partem)"는 말은 그들 사이에 격언이 되었다. 이 규칙은 일상적인 사적 판단에도 적용해야 한다. 그 사람에 불리한 말을 듣기 전에 그를 위해 말할 것이 무엇인지 먼저 들어보아야 한다(요 7:51 참조).
(4) 그는 신속하고 엄숙하게 심리를 진행하였다(행 25:17). 고발인들이 도착하자마자 지체 없이 이튿날 바로 재판을 열었다. 또한 재판석에 앉아 중요한 사건에 맞는 권위 있는 방식으로 심리를 진행하였다.
(5) 그는 고발 내용에 크게 실망하였다(행 25:18-19). 고발인들이 일어섰을 때 자신이 예상한 죄목들은 전혀 제기되지 않았다. 그는 그들의 격렬한 기세로 보아, 바울이 개인 재산이나 공공 치안에 해가 되는 무언가—강도짓, 살인, 반란—를 저질렀을 거라고 생각했다. 사방에서 들려오는 고함 소리를 들은 방관자들은 누구든 그런 결론을 내릴 수밖에 없었다. 그런 소란을 만들어 내는 것이 박해자들의 목적이었다. 우리 구주를 향해서도 마찬가지였다. 또한 총독이 맡을 법한 로마 법정에서 다룰 수 있는 죄목이 있을 것이라 생각했다. 갈리오가 기대했던 것처럼(행 18:14). 그런데 실상은 전혀 달랐다. 그들은 증거와 사실 대신 질문들을 들고 나왔다. 그것들이 죄인지조차 다툼의 여지가 있어서, 끝없이 논쟁할 수 있는 문제들이었다. 그것들은 법정보다 학교에 어울리는 문제들이었다. 자기들의 종교에 관한 질문들이었다. 베스도는 그것을 "미신"이라고 불렀다. 로마는 법에 따른 종교는 보호하지만 전통과 미신은 보호하지 않았기 때문이다. 그리고 가장 큰 문제는 죽었는데 바울이 살아 있다고 주장하는 예수라는 사람에 관한 것이었다. 이 로마 총독이 얼마나 가볍게 그리스도와 그분의 죽음과 부활을 말하는지 보라. 마치 어떤 사람이 오랫동안 행방불명되었다가 살아 있느냐 죽었느냐를 놓고 양쪽에서 증거를 제시하는 문제인 것처럼 말한다. 이처럼 그는 자신이 모른다고 자랑하는 이 예수야말로 "죽었다가 살아 계셔서 세세토록 살아 계시고 사망과 음부의 열쇠를 가지신 분"(계 1:18)임을 까맣게 모른다. 바울이 예수에 대해 주장한 것—그분이 살아 계신다는 것—은 이것이 사실이 아니라면 우리 모두가 멸망이라는, 더없이 중대한 사안이다.
(6) 그는 유대 법정에서 이 문제를 처리하는 것이 낫겠다고 제안했다(행 25:20). "이런 일들을 어떻게 심리해야 할지 당황하여" 예루살렘으로 가서 재판받기를 원하는지 물었다. 자신이 잘 알지 못하는 문제로 양심에 짐이 지워지는 것을 원하지 않아서였다.
(7) 바울이 유대인의 법정보다 로마 황제에게 더 공정한 처우를 기대하여 로마로 이송해 달라고 상소했다고 했다(행 25:21). "나는 그를 가이사에게 보낼 수 있을 때까지 가두어 두라고 명령하였습니다." 상소를 거부할 이유를 찾지 못했으며 오히려 그 편이 낫다고 생각했다.
**III. 바울을 아그립바 앞에 세운 일이다.**
**첫째, 아그립바가 직접 듣기를 원했다(행 25:22).** "나도 그 사람의 말을 직접 들어보고 싶습니다." 아그립바는 베스도보다 이 사안을 더 잘 알고, 바울에 대해서도 들어 알고 있었다. 베스도가 우스갯거리로 취급하는 예수가 살아 있느냐 없느냐는 문제가 얼마나 중요한지도 알았다. 따라서 바울을 직접 듣는 것보다 그를 더 기쁘게 할 것이 없었다. 많은 위대한 사람들은 재판석에서처럼 공식적인 자리가 아니면 종교 문제에 관심을 기울이는 것을 격에 맞지 않는다고 생각한다. 아그립바는 바울이 설교하는 모임에 가고 싶지 않았을 것이다. 헤롯도 예수의 설교를 들으러 가지 않았던 것처럼. 그러나 두 사람 모두 그들을 자기 앞에 데려와 호기심을 채우는 것은 기꺼이 하였다. 어쩌면 아그립바는 바울을 돕고 싶었지만 결국 아무것도 하지 않았을 것이다. 다만 바울에게 약간의 신뢰를 더해 주었을 뿐이다.
**둘째, 베스도가 허락하였다.** "내일 들으시게 될 것입니다." 이것은 바울에게 하나님의 좋은 섭리였다. 그는 감옥에 산 채로 갇혀 선한 일을 할 모든 기회를 박탈당한 것처럼 보였다. 가이사랴에서의 투옥 중 쓴 서신도 알려진 것이 없다. 친구들이 면회 와서 교제하고 주일마다 작은 모임이 이루어졌겠지만, 그것은 협소하고 좁은 영역의 유익에 지나지 않았다. 버려져 쓸모없는 깨진 그릇처럼 보였다. 그런데 이 일로 바울은 큰 회중 앞에—더욱이 귀한 분들의 회중 앞에—그리스도를 전할 기회를 얻게 된다. 펠릭스는 사적으로 믿음에 관해 바울의 말을 들었다. 그러나 아그립바와 베스도는 공개적으로 듣기로 한다. 다음 장에 나오는 바울의 설교가 다른 설교들처럼 영혼 구원에 크게 쓰이지 않았을 수도 있다. 그러나 그리스도와 기독교를 드높이는 데 있어서는 그가 평생 전한 어떤 설교 못지않은 것이었다.
**셋째, 성대한 준비가 이루어졌다(행 25:23).** 이튿날 청문 장소에 많은 사람이 모였다. 바울과 그의 사건이 크게 화제가 되었기 때문이다. (1) 아그립바와 버니게는 이 기회를 위세를 드러내는 자리로 삼았다. 그들은 "큰 위세를 갖추고" 왔다. 원어(meta polles phantasias)는 "큰 화려함"이라는 뜻이다. 주목하라. 대단한 화려함은 대단한 허영일 뿐이다. 그것은 실제 탁월함을 더하지도 진정한 존경을 얻지도 못하며, 오직 허황된 마음을 채울 뿐이다. 또한 그것은 겉보기에 불과하고 꿈과 같으며(원어의 뜻이 그렇다), 표면적이고 지나간다. 더구나 이 자리에서의 화려함은 [1] 그들의 방탕한 품행으로 더럽혀졌다. 덕 있는 사람들은 그 모든 화려함 속에서도 그들을 천한 자로 여길 수밖에 없었다(시 15:4 참조). [2] 바 앞에 서 있는 가난한 죄수의 진정한 영광에 빛을 잃었다. 화려한 옷이 그에게 무슨 명예인가. 그의 지혜와 은혜와 거룩함, 그리스도를 위해 고난받는 용기와 굳건함에 비하면. 이처럼 좋은 명분에서 지는 그의 사슬은 그들의 금사슬보다 더 영광스럽고, 그의 호위병은 그들의 수행원보다 더 명예롭다. 이렇게 나쁜 여인이 화려함을 짊어지고, 이렇게 선한 사람이 그 반대를 짊어지는 것을 보고도 세상의 화려함을 탐낼 자가 누구인가? (2) 지휘관들과 그 성의 지도자들도 베스도와 그 손님들에게 경의를 표하기 위해 이 기회를 이용하였다.
**IV. 베스도가 법정이 열렸을 때 사건을 소개한 연설이다.** 이것은 앞서 아그립바에게 설명한 내용과 크게 다르지 않다.
**첫째, 그는 모인 이들에게 정중히 인사하였다.** "아그립바 왕이여, 그리고 우리와 함께 여기 계신 모든 분들이여." 그가 "모든 남자들이여(pantes andres)"라고 한 것은 버니게를 향한 은근한 지적이었을 것이다. 이런 자리에 여자가 참석한 것에 대해 그는 그녀에게 어떤 것도 맡기거나 그녀의 의견을 구하지 않는다.
**둘째, 그는 죄수가 유대 사람들에게 크게 미움받고 있다고 설명하였다.** 지도자들뿐 아니라 예루살렘과 가이사랴 양쪽에서 유대 사람의 무리가 "그가 더 이상 살아서는 안 된다"고 외쳤다는 것이다. 그를 어떤 중대 범죄로 고발할 수는 없지만, 그저 그를 없애버리고 싶어 한다.
**셋째, 그는 죄수의 무죄를 인정하였다.** 바울의 판사의 입에서 이처럼 공개적으로 무죄를 인정받은 것은 바울의 사슬에 큰 명예가 되었다(행 25:25). "나는 그가 죽을 만한 일은 아무것도 저지르지 않았음을 알게 되었습니다." 사건을 충분히 심리하였더니 기소 내용을 뒷받침할 증거가 전혀 없었다. 그래서 그는 고발인 측을 편들 마음이 충분히 있었음에도, 양심이 바울을 무죄로 판정하게 하였다. 그렇다면 왜 석방하지 않았는가? 너무 거센 항의가 있었고, 바울을 석방하면 그 항의가 자신에게로 쏟아질까 봐 두려웠기 때문이다. 양심을 가진 사람이라면 모두 그에 따라 행동할 용기도 가져야 함은 참으로 안타까운 일이다. 아니면 연기가 이렇게 많은 곳에는 불이 없을 수 없다고 여겨, 결국 나타나리라 기대하며 바울을 계속 가두어 두었을 수도 있다.
**넷째, 그는 사건의 현재 상황을 알렸다.** 바울이 황제 자신에게 상소하였다고(그리하여 자신의 사건에 최고위층도 다루기에 부족하지 않다는 명예를 더하였다), 그리고 그 상소를 받아들였다고 했다. "나는 그를 보내기로 결정하였습니다." 그리하여 사건이 현재 이 자리에 이르렀다.
**다섯째, 그는 이 문제를 조용하고 공정하게 심문하는 데 도움을 청하였다(행 25:26-27).** 고발인들의 소란과 폭력에 방해받지 않는 지금 이 자리에서. 그래야 황제에게 사건을 설명하는 데 필요한 이해를 얻을 수 있기 때문이다. (1) 죄수를 로마처럼 먼 곳까지 보내면서 그에 대한 죄목을 함께 적어 보내지 않는 것은 이치에 맞지 않는다. 황제는 많은 업무에 바쁜 분이므로 모든 사안을 최대한 간결하게 정리해야 했다. (2) 바울에 관하여 아직 확실히 쓸 수 있는 것이 없었다. 그에 대한 진술이 너무 혼란스럽고 앞뒤가 맞지 않아 베스도가 내용을 정리할 수 없었다. 그래서 그는 이 공개 심문을 통해 무엇을 써 보내야 할지 조언받기를 원하였다. 이처럼 로마에서 멀리 떨어져 있으면서도 로마 황제에게 복종해야 하는 이들이 공정한 재판을 받는 데 얼마나 큰 어려움과 지연과 위험이 따르는지 보라. 우리나라도 교회 문제에서 로마 교황에게 복종해야 했을 때 (로마에서 반대 방향으로 비슷한 거리에 있는) 이와 똑같은 불편함을 겪었다. 그리고 그 예속의 멍에에 다시 묶이기를 원하는 자들은 그보다 천 배 더 나쁜 것들을 우리에게 가져올 것이다.
원주석
- 번역원본
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